Revolutionary Guards PIONEER AND DEMOCRACY: STUDENT MOVEMENT AS A POLITICAL MOVEMENT RATE.

• STAGE TWO DEMOCRACY AND THE ROLE OF REVOLUTION opposition Adhoc

May 1998 peak of revolution is the overthrow of the Great General (ret) Soeharto, preceded by the occupation of Parliament House by the Indonesian students. However, the revolution is only the beginning of May 1998 from the first stage (first strage) pioneered the revolution of democracy student movement. The first stage of this democratic revolution is the demolition phase of the mass consciousness and students of the economic structure, political, social and cultural oppressive or exploitative. The process of formation of the first stage of this democratic revolution took place in the history of the new regime (some are marked "top" student resistance movement in 1974, 1987.1989, and 1998). Role adhoc opposition student movement is the historical role of the structurally imposed by the new regime is running a new type of fascism faasisme development (developmental Fascism). This becomes a permanent role in the history of the new regime because diberangusnya all formal opposition forces (the conditions of democracy is the role of political parties) and civil ditundukkannya masuarakat in corporatist-fasistis, or through open violence.

The role of this ad hoc opposition student movement re-executed under the regime of Abdurrahman Wahid as; First: total reform is not implemented by all the political institutions either legislative, executive and judiciary; second: there is no single political party who asserted the power of oppositional politics and fight for the implementation of total reform agenda without political compromise with the new regime; three: all political parties contesting in the election in 1999 (48 parties) is legitimator Act flawed elections Validating the existence of democracy because the TNI / police in the legislature (the parliament, DPRD I and DPRD II) and participation of the Functional Groups Party the election without legal liability for political crimes, economic and human rights throughout the 32-year New Order regime. Thus, all political parties defected to the total reform agenda and the democratic revolution, as a political collaborator new regime.

The first stage of this democratic revolution began in the overthrow of the Great General (ret) Suharto ended in implementing a total reform agenda. If the entire reform agenda the establishment of a total run of political demarcation democracy / political reform anti-demokrasi/anti total of total reform. Therefore the total reform agenda has not executed until the current regime of Abdurrahman Wahid, the movement runs continuously mahasiswapun adhoc his opposition. It can be noted by a number of "another peak" than in May 1998 (the occupation of the parliament and the overthrow of Suharto), November 1998 (Semanggi I, the rejection of the SI MPR), September 1999 (Semanggi II, Rejection of State Hazard Reduction Act), October 1999 ( rejection of Habibie and Wiranto), January 2001 to the present (the demand to the decline and dissolution of Abdurrahman Wahid of the Golkar Party and the courts).

In the time scale, can not be set when the first stage of democratic revolution, or the implementation of total reform agenda over. It is not possible, even berikutnyapun regime from a flawed electoral democracy in 1999, when Abdurrahman Wahid to resign, will not be able and willing to complete the first phase of the democratic revolution. But theoretically, the second stage (second stage) of the democratic revolution can be started when all of a total reform agenda has been started. This second phase is the demolition phase of the economic structure, political, social and cultural oppressive or exploitative. In keduainilah phase stabilization and democratic development run through the process of consolidation and deepening of democracy.

• VALUE VERSUS POLITICAL MOVEMENT MOVEMENT POLITICAL POWER

Does the student movement free of political interests? Of course not, because first and foremost the interests of the stands are the values (values) or value systems (system values) that are universal such as social justice, freedom, humanity, democracy and solidarity with the oppressed people. Therefore adhoc opposition student movement in Indonesia is a political movement values (movement of political values) and not a political movement of power (political power movement) which is the basic function of political parties.

Universal values are also living in a historical context of the student movement. Student movement in Indonesia to translate these values in the context of contemporary Indonesian politics in the form of a total reform agenda today include:

1. '45 Amendment to the constitution of democracy,
2. Revocation of dual function of ABRI (TNI / police) or the elimination of the role of politics, business and territorial TNI / police.
3. Court actors throughout the Suharto government corruption, Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid,
4. Court of human rights crimes during the government of Soeharto, Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid.
5. decentralization as wide as possible,
6. labor and agricultural reforms.

Compared with the power of political movements that characterized the political parties, where the agenda setting and political targets as well as segregation and his political opponents as merely tactical and strategic matters to reinforce and strengthen his political position in the constellation of power now and in the future. So the value of political movements that characterized the student movement although agenda setting and conduct of political targets as well as segregation and his political opponents, but not to reinforce and strengthen his political position in the constellation of power. For example, when the student movement rejected the election days of 1999 the Habibie regime, more due to the calculation that the election was flawed democracy and reform. However, for the 48 political parties participating in election 1999, election is an opportunity to achieve and strengthen political or simply gain legal legitimacy for the existence of his party, even just getting a little office and a pinch of money.

• MOVEMENT POLITICAL REVOLUTION VALUE FOR DEMOCRACY finish

Because standing as a political movement value, then the 2001 student movement generation smoothly now setting the agenda and goals of the new politics that avoids their traps and manipulation of elite interests and certain political parties. Through the battle of ideas is quite sharp between groups and student movements, now practically all elements of the student movement "together again" as a political movement score, defend and guard the democratic revolution to fight for total reform agenda which they all aspire hand in hand. Now, we all witnessed the power of synergy of ideas and students' movement 'united' fight for total reform agenda or six for reform agenda coupled with lower Abdurrahman Wahid, refused to increase fuel prices and groceries and makes learning a new order-Golkar party as a common enemy

Violence in the Student Movement

Demonstrators? Hothead

Many critics, recent student movement was no longer considered to be pure, and had begun to impose the will. Especially since they also began practicing violence as a backlash for his repressive security forces had received. How could you? Are not they all used to be "nice kids" who managed didepolitisir by New Order?

Natural much press coverage, the chance conversation, or just eavesdrop the conversation of people on the bus, stop, or anywhere, yesterday, yesterday it was time to strengthen mixed anxiety about the disappointment of many student actions lately. Their complaints on average the same: a demonstration student = stuck everywhere, and about the part beringasnya student actions in dealing with repressive behavior of the security forces. In fact, these complaints could then grow even worse, and metamorphose into suspicions of the purity of motive of every action the student, who was held with more sesaki meets-street.

For the first complaint, without pretending to represent the voice of friends yearning for students who depend on the highway-please forgive. (Perhaps, like that done by workers digging the phone or tap-tomorrow-tomorrow each time held a demonstration, students must put signpost: "Sorry your trip disrupted. You hope to take another path. Indonesia is still under repair") occupied the highway with a mass in large number are in common use since a long time to demonstrate to the authorities protesting the deaf heart, frozen conscience, and hates change. The goal is clear, once again the show. Demonstrations-not the first show of force, that there are voices of discontent that failed absorbed by the walls of the parliament building and its inhabitants. About the effectiveness of this way, everyone can argue with the evidence of each. But this is already a tradition. Therefore, perhaps it is necessary to process the action pencanggihan methods in the future, of course not ignore the urgency to accommodate a variety of support and criticism from the public.

Indeed, there are many ways states protest. For example, in his book The Politics of nonviolent Action (1980), Gene Sharp reported that there were approximately 198 non-violence action method that successfully collected from the history of political movements from various parts of the world. It is written, there are many methods that are not inherent in the written culture that has not been found. Also, from the 198 action is likely to grow more dependent human creativity in expanding in accordance with the political regime that it faces. In his book, Sharp - who once dubbed the''Machiavelli's''non-violence - reject the general assumption that the method of tactical non-violence for Gandhi is not practical to change the movement movement for political change. In contrast, historical studies show that the human race by their actions have made non-violence when exploited by the regime in power. Indeed there are some who fail to achieve political change quickly, but most managed to impress.

Of the many kinds of methods such action, Sharp divide it into three major sections according to the degree of intensity: (1) protest, demonstration, and persuasion; (2) nonkooperasi economic, social, political, and (3) non-violent intervention. As a protest, demonstration, and persuasion, had succeeded, nonkooperasi method is not used. Method of intervention used only as an ultimate weapon, as a protest, persuasion, nonkooperasi, did not work.

The first method is to deliver the demands of the public communication path, so that the authorities responded. Not limited to verbal communication, but also symbolic and interactive. There are about 54 methods included here, including public statements, declarations, petitions, slogans, caricatures, posters, leflet, lobby, symbolic clothing, color flag, drawing a protest, a protest prayer, drama, music, parades, ceremonies victim's death repression, the deputy representative delivery, sitting on the street, walk out, and so on.

Nonkooperasi method is non-violence action in a way not to cooperate with the regime or sever its ties with regimes that affected the interests of the regime. Around 103 kinds of methods included here. Among other things, boycotts, delays support, strike, out of a particular institution, stay home, go migrate, economic boycotts, embargoes, economic sanctions, refused to support, refusing help, and information block command, refused the meeting, refusing dialogue, and so on .

Method of intervention was taken when the two methods above does not work. He as a last resort because it has a high risk. This method is pressing psychologically and physically, without violence to the opposition or the authorities. There are about 41 kinds of action in here. Among them was fasting, days mempuasai casualties, hunger strike, occupied a strategic place, create an alternative mass organizations, blockade of the symbols of oppression, to unmask a secret agent, freeing political prisoners, the authorities cut off ties with his supporters, to discredit a position of power from international association , and so on.

Most of the action on the students has been practiced in many actions throughout the year 1998 with the result that quite brilliantly. The principle of all the action is non-violence. Such action could work effectively without great sacrifice of mass. However, such action would be effective if done consistently, the success of one another support. Consistently non-violence action can undermine the power structure, because the power is essentially rely on the cooperative relationship between rulers and ruled, the people. If the relationship is shaky and cracks, then the authorities would lose ground. All kinds of action on the somewhat tenuous at the authorities and people relationships. Intelligent ruler is usually very idea of this danger. They will soon respond to the emergence of action immediately, even since the first method appears, if you do not want to lose his power base.

As for the second complaint, the answer was more difficult, and apparently was not enough with an apology or a proclamation. If said student does not understand politics without violence, it is not true. Most, if not virtually all, the student protests during the actual non-violent demonstrations. New students to take the way of violence, it was very minimal like throwing a stone, simply to protect themselves from the brutal forces. Also, student demonstrations during the Reformation of Peace between February-May 1998 and who managed to reduce the Suharto almost all be peaceful, without violence. Why are students in Jakarta recently took a sudden violent way? Seeing the actions of students who are attacking (offensive), students seem to have lost the power of creation and trapped in a violent way. Student Kawab friends seemed to have entered the area of violence. Students have been demanding political change by forcing the will by physical force (coercion by force) that can mengerasi, injure, and even claimed lives, perhaps the students own lives, the lives of officers, or any other party.

Some critics voice was even worried about him so far away that there is to imagine it could be developed later will factions of hardliners among the students who developed similar to the Red Brigades in Italy, the Red Army in Japan, or terrorist groups that are leading many of the other members consisting of former student activists who are frustrated and choose terlanjut violence and terrorism as a means of struggle. If it's only a club versus clubs, tear gas and bullets versus Intifada-style stones, lest later evolved into suicide bombing, or other modes that are not less scary. Wow!

If you want to be called just as frustrated motivation behind the group members terror spreader mentioned above, there is perhaps some fellow students who experience it, certainly in the levels and different levels. Radicalization everywhere it appears and the strengthening of deeply rooted dissatisfaction. But this can not explain the radicalization tiban-be radical in a sudden-that occurred in a large group of students Jakarta? Do not they count "are poorer" tradition of action than many fellow students in the cities' higher-demo "as Bandung, Yogyakarta, Semarang, Malang, Makassar, and others?

A number of our analysis could probably borrow to menjelasnya. But most agreed that the accumulated discontent, continued to drift. Anger and frustration are mounting as it had always been the "land nursery" a fertile ground for radical ideas. Well, it's more conducive for "given fertilizer", a situation that objectively supports it, the long-wore on the economic crisis that led to the destruction of the government's credibility before the people. The result, emerged a new awareness of phenomenal, a consciousness to do something. Well, it is almost mematang awareness, continually dibenturkan by the empirical fact that a change is not always a bargaining process running smoothly. There are hard conflict there, a victim who fell for it. At such times, resentment is rising due to too forcefully witness that he hoped the change never happened, their frustration began to emerge. The old ways will begin to negotiate re-examined. Some of those who have not come to the fullness of the understanding that the struggle was a "long-term employment", did not hesitate to cut his senses. Without thinking, they feel the need to elaborate further principles of non-violence-without closing the defensive attitude of course-to find another way could be more effective, though a bit more about it contains principles which dikecamnya own violence. This situation is exacerbated by not properly terkonsolidasinya mass consciousness. So that every action that's always risky going to be loaded by a lot of "political tourists", a number of students who take action without reflection is supported by the maturity of the action and just experience it as an adventure, an adrenaline spurred existential needs that are inherent to the character of youth.

Explanation of the above can easily obtain justification, simply by looking at how much liquid bonds-especially political-ideological mass during held. Please understand, after all this time didepolitisasi, mostly fellow students already become expensive and spoiled. The presence of some of them as "cheerleaders" in any real action, though harmless they are very significant quantity to "deter" opponent. With the political consciousness is still very liquid, and is still struggling limited to slogans, it is difficult for them to be positioned himself as a mass action.

Questionable if some activist judge that the dialectic paradigm of thinking about movement is finished, as if he had awakened an ideological movement that is too sacred to be direevaluasi. We can agree on political change as the estuary of this movement, but their vision to put the mobilization of an open and frontal resistance will only deal with walls that are too hard to penetrate when most members of the community and strategic groups other is not ready.

This is clearly not judgments. Anyone may agree, or across the street from this analysis. This is clearly not judgments. Anyone may agree, or across the street from this analysis. Understand, the student movement is always open the possibility of internal changes, or shifts in understanding the vision of our movement. The only thing that never changed is our agreement together: we will continue to move until the changes we'll miss terjelang. Each oppression always will bring resistance. Agreed?.